The Fascinating Capitulation
Below are excerpts
of the speeches made by two Kurdish women, Havin Guneser, journalist
and spokeswoman for the International Initiative “Freedom for
Abdullah Ocalan - Peace for Kurdistan” and Dilar Dirik, researcher
at the University of Cambridge, at a Conference held on 11th of
October in Rome.
These speeches are
important, as they explain well what are the analysis, politics and
principles behind the very advanced role and organization of Kurdish
women and fighters who refer themselves to the PKK. The first speech,
in particular, is a kind of “manifesto” of the thought that
inspired the struggle of Kurdish women, expression of theories of
Ocalan and PKK.
We must say that we
consider these theories of Ocalan as democratic-libertarian, anti
Marxist-Leninist-Maoist.
Therefore, given the
deep respect we have towards the battle that the PKK is carrying
forward and the vital role of women in this battle in all the sphere
- military, political, ideological – in achieving on the field a
new society (in Rojava) that puts at the centre not only ideally but
practically, with concrete measures, the issues of women’s
liberation, precisely this respect and solidarity cannot exempt us
from expressing our deep, strategic, divergence with the analysis and
theories of Ocalan and the representatives of the Kurdish fighters
referring to him.
We can also understand –
and our fraternal Maoist parties of Turkey / Kurdistan could
specially help us to understand better – the historical grounds of
these theories of Ocalan, related to the reality of Kurdistan, the
colonial / feudal condition in which the people, and women in
particular, have been forced, and the way in which during decades the
clash for the liberation of the Kurdish people has developed.
Clearly, these are not
trivial arguments, surely they can fascinate, especially the
feminist, ecologist, libertarian, etc. movements. Therefore, they
should not be criticized superficially.
At the same time, it seems
that the practice, the heroic battle they are currently carrying
forward in Kobane, as well as the construction of a new social order
in Rojava, the application of the principle of freedom, the concrete
measures to assert the delimitating and leading role of women, are,
in all aspects, economic, political and ideological, much better and
even different in practice from the theories of Ocalan. This is an
important aspect.
But, again, the MLM
Communists do not hide away, they say clearly that on which they
agree and on which they do not. We, then, are Leninists, and with
Lenin we know how is important the struggle / criticism of other
trends, and that the assertion, in theory and in practice, of MLM is
always in close connection with a work of distinction from other
theories.
Finally, I want to
stress positively the consistent relationship, that Kurdish comrades
ephasized, between the movement / organization of women and the
party. Here the organization of women is the result of the
application of the line, the strategy, the understanding of the party
of which the women comrades are determinant part. This “method”,
in a non-trivial but Leninist sense, yes, is the method of MLM, and
of our party in particular, of our understanding and practice of a
new type of communist party, that we bring consistently in Italy and
internationally, and we have to emphasize this in the women’s and
feminist movement in Italy, in order to fight and criticize the
anti-party ideas, strongly influential.
Here, we limit
ourselves to briefly point out some issues - surely to be deepened.
Excerpts from the
speeches (in italics):
Kurdish:
“The aspirations of freedom of the
Kurdish people, especially of Kurdish women ... paved the way to the
fact that women had a great role. So, despite the fact that at the
beginning the struggle of women within the PKK did not transcend the
boundaries of the old left, it could not even be contained within
them. Here the role of Ocalan is important both as a strategist and
as political leader of the Kurdish movement. He did not ignore the
slavery of women, nor their desire to fight for freedom. He opened
political, social, cultural, ideological and organizational spaces
for women, in spite of the backlash of a few men members of the
organization. He did so with strong determination ...”
PCm: This
clearly is a great merit of Ocalan, especially when taking into
account the condition of strong feudal residuals, that had and have
their more brutal expression against women.
Kurdish:
“(but) soon problems emerged. To reach
and join the revolutionary movement, was not enough to overcome,
established features arising from colonial and feudal structures.
Problems began to emerge, particularly in the approach towards women
there, where there was an attempt to reproduce traditional roles
within the guerrilla forces and the Party bodies. There were women
who accepted to replicate these roles but also other women who
refused...”
PCm:
For us, for the MLM parties – which we call parties of a new type –
for the Maoist revolutionary communist women, this is not something
new. We observed this in the people’s wars in Peru, Nepal, today in
India. And the Maoists addressed this fact long time ago, in practice
and in theory.
Mao Zedong, with
Chang Ching, theorized the “revolution within the revolution”,
that was grasped by women, particularly during the Great Proletarian
Cultural Revolution, to bring revolution in the superstructure and
within the party and society. And It is the revolutionary People’s
Republic of China that leads the women with “bound feet” to be
the “other half of the sky” in all fields. It is during the Great
Proletarian Cultural Revolution that the issues of violence and
oppression in the families, rapes, abortion, etc are addressed in an
extremely modern way, even for today.
During the People’s
Wars in Peru and later in Nepal this struggle has been practiced and
theorized. While it was “discovering” the “revolutionary
proletarian feminist movement”, our Party was inspired a lot by the
theories and actions of PCP as well of CPN(M). The former communist
Parvati well analyzed and explained in her writings why the
“traditional roles in the guerrilla forces and the Party bodies”
are reproduced and women member accep a lesser role in the Party, the
People’s Army and the People’s War, and not only, she also
developed a struggle that had led to deep transformations.
So, is the theoretical and
practical weapon of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and its creative
application to today’s reality that, based also on an assessment of
previous experiences, allows to put at a new height the issue of the
role of women and the centrality within the party and in the
revolutionary struggle of this ideological, political and practical
struggle for a communist party of a new type and for an active
assertion of the “revolution within revolution”, in India (where
women are even more than 50% are leading the People’s War, the
PLGA, etc.) as in our party, in Italy.
Kurdish:
“Ocalan began speaking about a new
concept: kill the ruling male. Since then, the liberation struggle of
the women became more radical. They started talking about getting
away from the ruling mentality of modernity, psychologically and
culturally. But also spoke of a parallel project to transform males.
At this aim, the education of men was made by women ...”
PCm:
But, in this struggle, Ocalan departs from historical and dialectical
materialism and approaches idealism. The issue is not the social
system, the ruling class, but the “ruling male”, operating an
inversion between structure and superstructure; replacing the
struggle against the system that produces the ruling ideas, with the
struggle against the ruling ideas.
Kurdish:
“The male became a system. The male
has become the state and turned itself into the ruling culture. Class
and gender oppression develop together; masculinity produced the
ruling gender, the ruling class and the ruling state. If the male is
analyzed in this framework, it is clear that male must be killed. In
fact, kill the ruling male is the fundamental principle of
socialism”.
PCm:
We speak about intertwining of class oppression and gender. But,
while saying that they develop together, Ocalan 'forgets' the class
oppression. Indeed, he does worse: the ideology (masculinity)
produced the “ruling gender”
and the State. So the male, not the class, has become the state.
Hence the conclusion is inescapable: we have to overthrow neither the
state or the ruling capitalist system, but “kill the ruling male”
... and this is passed off as “the fundamental principle of
socialism” But what a kind of socialism?
Kurdish:
“Despite the fact that the PKK was no
longer the old left, it was unable to find a solution of complete
breaking with real socialism and, then, with the capitalist
modernity. We can say that the period 1993-2003 has been a phase of
transition to build an alternative to capitalist modernity. The
theoretical material available, the past experiences of different
other movements, feminism and the experience of the PKK itself led
our movement to the conclusion that slavery of women formed the very
basis of any subsequent enslavement, as well as of all social
problems…”
PCm:
The clear impression is that here Ocalan actually calls “real
socialism” the power recovered and restored by the defeated
bourgeoisie through a counter-revolution that overthrew socialism,
which for a long time kept the name of ‘socialist’ country (in
Russia, partially in Eastern Europe, in China). The only alternative
to “capitalist modernity”
(a not correct formulation, as it objectively puts the struggle on
the field of the superstructure, the costume, almost religious) is
socialism and, in countries oppressed by imperialism, the New
Democracy as a stage towards socialism. Sure, in the experiences of
the communist movement we saw serious mistakes, setbacks, but
precisely these setbacks led the revolutionary China to not stop, to
launch its assault on the heavens with the Great Proletarian Cultural
Revolution in the sphere of the superstructure, where the ruling
ideas of oppression persist, amongst which the ideas of submission of
women are the tip of the iceberg.
But the summing-up, also
painful, of these historical experiences should lead to seek new
paths, that have nothing to do with the analyses of Ocalan, that
inevitably lead into the arms of those who denigrate socialism.
Moving forward. It
is fully idealism to say that “slavery
of women formed the very basis of any subsequent enslavement, as well
as all the social problems ...”, if
this:
a) is not seen at
the light of the historical process of humanity described by Engels
in The Origin of the Family, Private
Property and the State where he
explains how the first oppressed subject is the woman, and that the
first division of labor was towards women; b) obscures the real cause
of social problems: the private property, the exploitation, the
contradiction capital-labour, the rule of imperialism.
Kurdish:
“So he began to depart from the
typical Marxist-Leninists. He was different in the way he began to
see the state apparatus, as an instrument of power and exploitation,
unnecessary for the continuation of human life and nature”.
PCm:
Indeed, Ocalan departs from Marxism-Leninism and approaches
democratic-libertarian theories. He denounces the ‘State’ in
itself, not only the bourgeois state, the regimes lackeys of
imperialism, but every state, so even the socialist state. As put by
Marx and Lenin (State and Revolution)
it is an absolute necessity, for a certain period – until
communism, where there will be no need of State – in order to
organize the structures of the new people’s power, to defend the
new proletarian power and prevent the restoration by the defeated
class, to begin the process to wipe out classes, class divisions and
any residual form of social, cultural and ideological oppression,
primarily the sexism against women, that will persist for a long time
even after the revolution and implies an organized struggle and
concrete measures that only a socialist state can implement.
Marx wrote: “And
now as to myself, no credit is due to me for discovering the
existence of classes
in modern society or the struggle
between them.. [...]What I did that was new was to prove: (1) that
the existence of classes
is only bound up with particular
historical phases in the development of production,
(2) that the class struggle necessarily leads to the dictatorship
of the proletariat (3) that this
dictatorship itself only constitutes the transition to the
abolition of all classes and to a
classless society”.
To Deny the
socialist state is to deny the dictatorship of the proletariat and
therefore the possibility of transition to communism, the “classless
society”.
It is the
dictatorship of the proletariat, enriched by the advanced experience
of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution that can ‘enhance’
the new role of women, giving the power and also taking measures to
defeat the strong residual sexism that persists (in Italy, in the
70s, the most important Maoist trend - the PcmlI - at some point
theorized a period of ‘feminine dictatorship’).
That said, we ask:
what occurs in Rojava, the implemented practical and organizational
measures that allow an equal role for women, is not the result of an
organization of society, that we call State, that clearly is totally
opposed to the bourgeois state or feudal / semi-feudal regimes, as it
is based on people’s organizations, on standards and functioning
criteria that enhance the organized participation of proletarians and
masses?
Kurdish:
“Thirdly also changed his concept of
revolutionary violence and finally it was formulated as
self-defense.”
PCm:
This is definitely anti MLM. It can be said that Marx, Lenin and Mao,
they all “eulogized” revolutionary violence as necessary to
oppose and defeat the reactionary violence of imperialism and
oppressors states. In this sense, revolutionary violence is the only
mean to realize a society without violence. In the 1st
Volume of Capital Marx wrote: “The violence is the midwife of every
old society which is pregnant with a new one.” Mao Zedong said,
“Political power grows out of the barrel of a gun” and “war
can only be abolished
through war.”
In fact, and
fortunately, the Kurdish women and man fighters in Kobane are
practicing “revolutionary violence” but, if unfortunately it was
seen only as “self-defense” it would lead to the defeat, sooner
or later.
Marx and Engels
wrote that the Commune of Paris was defeated because was not been
able to fully use the revolutionary violence.
Kurdish:
“Ocalan stated that slavery of women
have been perpetuated on three levels in the past five thousand
years: first there is the ideological construction of slavery; then
the use of force; finally the exclusion from the economy ...”.
PCm:
Again, in his historical analysis, Ocalan uses idealism and not
historical materialism, through a real reversal of the history
itself, that shows how first there was the exclusion of women from
the economy, relegating them to ‘‘the house economy”, then and
the use of force and then the ideological slavery. Without the
division of labour and private property there would be no basis for
the ideological slavery.
Kurdish:
“Without understanding how masculinity
was socially formed, we can not analyze the state has been
established and, therefore, we are not able to accurately define the
culture of war and power related to the very being of a state. This
is something that we emphasize because it is what paved the way for
the femicide and the colonization and exploitation of peoples ....
Capitalism and the nation-state are formed to represent the ruling
male in its most institutionalized form. To put it briefly,
capitalism and the nation-state are the monopoly of the tyrannical
and exploiter male.”
PCm:
Again a reversal. The “masculinity”,
the “culture of war and of power”
determine the state as a bourgeois dictatorship and not the inverse.
So, if the state is the “ruling male” we do not have to smash the
bourgeois state, just “kill the ruling
male”. So, if capitalism is the “the
monopoly of the tyrannical and exploiter male”,
no need to overthrow capitalism, private property ... (Just put women
at the head of capitalism? ... let the joke).
Unfortunately, we
are in the full of idealism: it would be the “masculinity”, i.e.
the ideology, that leads to the colonization, exploitation of
peoples, femicides, not the capitalist imperialist system, that
exploits, colonizes, plunders, suppresses and creates an increasingly
barbaric humus that makes the femicide something considered “normal”.
Then, consequently, there is not a big difference between the
theories of Ocalan and those of “democratic” sections of
bourgeoisie which say that the origin, the problem, where we have to
especially intervene is the cultural sphere...
Instead, we think that the
struggle against femicide and every aspect of women’s oppression
has to go to and fight the systemic and structural grounds, and
sharpen, at the same time, the struggle against every aspect of the
bourgeois / feudal sexist ideology. This shows why oppression of
women has not solution within this system, but also, at the same
time, the opportunity to send to the graveyard of history these
mortal ideologies, when the revolutionary struggle, the continuation
of the revolution in every field will destroy the economic and
political basis on which such ideologies hold on
Kurdish:
“It depends on the fact the
capitalistic economic and social form is not a historical necessity,
it is a construction forged through a complex process. Religion and
philosophy have been transformed into nationalism, the deity of the
nation state. The main goal of this ideological war is to ensure the
monopoly on thought. The main weapons to achieve it are the religious
fundamentalism, the gender discrimination and scientism as a
positivist religion”.
PCm:
Ocalan gives up the historical analysis and relies on “myths”.
The "capitalistic economic and social form" was a
historical necessity. Marx would turn in his grave, hearing the
claims of Ocalan. Indeed, Marx called the bourgeois society
progressive compared to the feudal society and the slavery society,
etc. Because Communism, he said, can not be a communist egalitarian
distribution of poverty, but of social wealth, of the development of
the productive forces that only capitalism could realize - of course
up to a certain point, then capitalism itself becomes a constraint to
the development of the productive forces and destroys them. But, at
the same time, capitalism gave birth to its “gravedigger”, and
without this gravedigger, the united struggle of the proletariat and
the oppressed peoples against capitalism and imperialism, there would
be no socialism.
Everything else
Ocalan says is true, unless you move completely away from the
economical and material system that support or gives birth to
religion, philosophy, etc; and as long as he completes the sentence
“The main objective of this
ideological war is to ensure its monopoly on thought”
saying that the purpose of this “monopoly
on thought” is the defence, the
continuation of the capitalist social, economic system.
Kurdish:
“Without ideological hegemony, only
with the political and military oppression, it would be impossible
for the modernity to
hold on …”
PCm:
On the one hand, this is true – being understood that it is not
scientific to speak of “modernity”
– on the other hand, it would be an illusion to think that the
fight should take place especially at the level of the ideological
hegemony.
Kurdish:
“In order to stop the perpetuation of
capitalism and the concentration of power, as well as the
reproduction of the hierarchy, it is necessary to create structures
for a democratic, ecological, society, based on the gender
liberation. It is an absolute necessity to achieve this dismantling
of the power and hierarchy. This social system of democratic
modernity is the Democratic confederalism and the Democratic
Autonomy. This system is not an alternative form of the state, but an
alternative to the state...”.
“Although is
labelled as a ‘separatist organization’, the PKK has since a long
gone beyond the concepts of state and nationalism, and now upholds an
alternative path of liberation in the form of regional autonomy and
self-government, the ‘democratic confederalism’, based on gender
equality, ecology and democracy from below, put into practice through
the people’s councils” ... “
PCm:
We speak about ‘New Democratic State’, as a step towards
socialism. But even accepting the social system put forward by
Ocalan, once again, what is wrong is to say that it is an alternative
to the state, a counter-state. We would say, it has good hopes but
certainly would be crushed by imperialism and its regimes.
The ‘New
Democratic State’ in the countries oppressed by imperialism, the
‘socialist state’ in the capitalist and imperialist countries, is
not a “concept” (as also the bourgeois state is not a “concept”),
but a historical necessity, abundantly proofed. Of course, it is
based on the people’s structures, but builds a national structure,
otherwise the restoration is always lurking.
Kurdish:
“The PKK challenges patriarchy and
practices the co-presidency, that equally shares the responsibility
between a women and men, from the chair of the Party to the
neighborhood councils, and implements 50/50 gender ratio at all
levels of government. These policies are mechanisms to ensure the
representation of women in all spheres of life, councils, education,
parties and cooperatives, as well as the deconstruction of patriarchy
in the theory. They are aimed to give meaning to this representation
... Its laws aim to democratize family and eliminate gender
discrimination. Men who use violence against women can not be part of
the administration. One of the first acts of the government was to
outlaw forced marriages, domestic violence, honor killings, polygamy,
marriages with girls, bride pricing and market of brides. The
leadership of parties, municipalities, councils and committees are
handled by a woman and a man, co-presidents who share the
position...”.
PCm:
As we said, the reality is better than the “theories”. What is
occurring in Rojava (very good, but nothing new, just see what
happened during the Cultural Revolution in China or, coming to more
recent times, what occurred in the base areas in Nepal, before the
betrayal of Prachanda, or what occurs in the guerrilla areas under
the control of the People’s War in India) is the result of an
organization. You can also call state, but is statal, there is the a
political power of the government that makes the laws; there is a
structure of administration, there is a people’s army ..
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