sábado, 4 de julio de 2015

Mass Line: Building the Revolutionary Movement. Red Flag №3 RCP/PCR

If the dominant ideas of a society are the ideas of the ruling class, even among the masses who have completely different class positions and class perspectives, how can communists organize the masses into a class for themselves, according to their own ideas and toward their own interests? How can we maintain a level of unity with each other which is necessarily very deep—and always deepening—while we win over people with whom we may only be able to unite on a much more immediate and limited level? Conversely, how can we make our campaigns, activities, and slogans relevant to broad sections of the people without losing our particular communist perspectives and outlooks? Is there a way for each of these problems to solve one another?
The methodology that has been developed by communists over the course of history to answer these questions is called the Mass Line.
The Mass Line is usually distilled to two concepts: from the masses, to the masses and unite the advanced, win over the intermediate, and isolate the backward (or unite the advanced, bring up the intermediate, win over the backward). These are fairly simple and straightforward in and of themselves, as general principles, but their application gives rise to greater and greater complexity as an organization’s political work reaches higher and higher levels.
A whole article could be dedicated to how communists should undertake social investigation, so without getting too specific on this front, application of the mass line has to begin by having a good handle on the context we are organizing in. We have to understand who the people are, what they think of the world, what makes intuitive sense to them, how they relate to one another as individuals and organizations, and what parts of their lives throw them into the most acute contradictions with the capitalist system. These contradictions will give rise to an array of ideas, most of them bourgeois in nature but some more or less correct.
When communists have done this investigation, we should understand which correct ideas already exist among the masses, even if only in nascent, incoherent and scattered form. This is no easy task, and may give rise to a number of failures before any successes. Through this process though, we will eventually come to really understand the “laws of motion” of the social context we are organizing. This is the from the masses aspect of the Mass Line. We should then take those ideas and use them to develop our slogans, campaigns, demands, etc. This should be done in a way that makes the contradiction between the masses and the capitalist system clearer to people, and provides a jumping-off point for winning people over to a deeper unity with us as communists. This is the to the masses aspect of the Mass Line. If we are successful in implementing the mass line, people will move closer to us ideologically, politically, and organizationally, and from there we can consolidate those gains and start the process anew, only stronger and more knowledgeable than we were before.
But the Mass Line is about more than simply winning sections of the masses over to the ideas we, as communists, already have. This is an aspect of it, but one that will result in a rigid, monolithic organization and practise if it were to eclipse its dialectical counterpart: the Mass Line is about figuring out what the correct ideas are in the first place, though our interactions with the masses in the struggles we initiate.
If this latter aspect were implemented on its own, though, the opposite problem would arise: an eclectic, disjointed, incoherent politics and practise, one that cannot distinguish between correct and incorrect ideas among the masses themselves, an approach which simply slaps a red coat of paint on whatever the masses happen to be doing or thinking and calling it communist.
The inter-penetration of these two facets of the Mass Line in our approach to communist work among the masses—the way each informs the other, allowing our perspectives, our political work and our organizations to leap forward, consolidate, and leap forward again—is fundamental to the practise of Mass Line, and this requires that we consolidate the gains we make along the way. This can mean winning people over to specific theoretical perspectives, founding new organizations, having people join existing organizations, becoming more integrated with the people, etc.
In any context, there will be some forces—organizations, people, institutions—that are more advanced in their perspective and their orientation to the struggle and others that are more reactionary. In implementing the Mass Line, communists need to be able to figure out which are which, and how to relate to them. Broadly speaking, people can be characterized as advanced, intermediate or backward.
These terms are relative and heavily context-dependent. Somebody may be considered “advanced” in the context of a strike if they understand that the company is unequivocally their enemy and that the rank-and-file of their union should have democratic control over bargaining demands, but that same person may be “intermediate” on the question of the revolutionary overthrow of the capitalist system.
The advanced forces should be united by communists—around a specific perspective, a set of demands, or an organization, for example—in order to both bring them closer to a communist perspective and to make them more effective over the course of the struggle. This may mean starting a communist group, or it may not, depending on the situation.
Intermediate forces are those who are not hostile to the perspectives of the advanced but are not wholly convinced or not quite ready to make the jump into that advanced perspective. Through the struggle in question, the advanced perspective should show itself to be correct—whether through principled political debate, through the effectiveness of our practise, or through the failure of bourgeois forces—if we are doing a good job. This creates the conditions for intermediate forces to be won over to the more advanced perspective, allowing for consolidation and unity with those forces.
Among the backward there are two broad, fluid categories: those who we are in non-antagonistic contradiction with, and those who we are in antagonistic contradiction with.
There will be some forces who are on our side when it comes to a specific struggle but who are in total disagreement with our perspectives, our demands, our organizations, etc. Among those, some will be genuine in wanting to advance the cause of the people who simply have incorrect political perspectives. We may argue vigorously with these forces, each side understanding the other’s good intentions. Contradictions like these can potentially be non-antagonistic in nature and handled much the same way as dealing with intermediate forces: showing the correctness of our line through debate and practise, winning them over to unity with us. Here we win over the backward.
Sometimes, though, these contradictions can become antagonistic in nature, whether because of the way they are handled or because of the nature of the forces involved. In cases where forces are actively harmful to the masses in a struggle, the communists need to make sure to advance the interests of the masses, even if it means isolating these backward forces. The manner in which this is done will vary from context to context, but universally, we must take care to isolate the backward from the intermediate and the advanced while maintaining the integration of those intermediate and advanced forces with ourselves. We shouldn’t isolate the backward—and the intermediate along with them!
Often the genuine intermediate forces will be able to understand, when we show it to be the case, how backward forces and perspectives will hurt the struggle, moving them away from those backward forces. As this happens again and again, each perspective becoming more clearly articulated, more thorough in its application and broader in its scope, we hope to establish two lines within the struggle: the proletarian line and the bourgeois line, with ourselves the staunchest champions of the proletarian line and the backward forces putting forward the bourgeois line. Through a struggle between these two lines, we can isolate the backward forces from the masses, thus strengthening the proletarian line and our own unity with the masses. It is in this way that we isolate the backward.
The Mass Line is a process that is both scientific and political.
It is scientific in that it requires us to constantly evaluate and re-evaluate our understanding of a situation in light of the material outcomes of concrete practise. We have to make use of the body of experience already gathered about the class struggle in general—that is, theory—and of the specific environment where we’re organizing—including ourselves and our own forces—in order to make our best assessment of that environment and how to intervene in the struggle so that it can be pushed forward. Out of this, we will find that we were right about some things and wrong about others, which in turn forces us to reject, change, or affirm aspects of both the theory we employ and our understanding of particular environment. In this way the Mass Line is itself a methodology for generating knowledge and developing theory. If we’re practising the Mass Line, we can’t just assume that what we already think about a context—a neighbourhood, a school, a workplace, a strike—is correct and cling to that assumption when investigation or practise show otherwise. We need rigour and boldness to make an assessment then implement it in practise, while at the same time having humility and clarity to know what we have done incorrectly and how to correct it.
It is political in that its purpose is not the sterile, detached accumulation of knowledge about the world and how it works but instead the changing of that world, and more specifically changing it to a communist one! When evaluating whether a certain action or slogan or campaign was correct, what basis do we use to determine that? We don’t base it on how well it conformed to our pre-existing ideas, or how much people enjoyed themselves, and maybe not even how many people we engaged or whether we won this or that concession. We base it on whether it moved the class struggle forward, or, to be a little more nuanced about it, whether it moved the class struggle forward as much as was possible. Are we closer to communism because of this? Any of the above factors could—and often do—contribute to how we answer that question, but they are not fundamental in and of themselves. Knowing how to answer this question is difficult, and in itself requires a good understanding of the specific situation you’re in, as well as the state of the class struggle more generally. It could be that a higher level of understanding of the environment we are organizing in is required before we can even determine whether we were correct or incorrect in the approach we took!
Scientific understanding allows for better political interventions, which generates new knowledge that can be used to evaluate our political interventions, which in turn allows us to intervene more effectively in the future, generating new knowledge, better theories, and so on. In order for either the scientific and political aspects of the Mass Line to be effective, they must inter-penetrate with one another in practise.
It is often tempting to use organizational growth as a benchmark for whether our work has been correct, but this is not necessarily the case. We could fairly easily engage in a struggle in such a way that we win one or two new comrades into the Party while alienating ourselves from the masses in general. While winning those comrades is good in and of itself, our activity in this instance could be understood in general as being incorrect.
Likewise, initiating a campaign that develops the independent action and leadership of the masses, brings people into closer contact with the Party and leaves them thinking of us as genuine, dedicated and courageous fighters for their interests could be a huge benefit even if the campaign ends without us recruiting a single member. Such a struggle teaches us a lot about our situation and how to struggle in it, wins people over to our ideas and provides future avenues for engaging with the masses.
A truly successful intervention in the class struggle, one in which our work is largely correct, will yield a result somewhere in between—or rather, be an inter-penetration of—the above examples.
As communists, we fight for the unity of the proletariat, but not unity in the abstract—unity on a correct political basis. Building that unity and discovering that correct political basis are processes that absolutely require one another. They need to be developed in tandem, and developing them is, in the final analysis, the historical mission of the proletariat. In employing the Mass Line, communists help the process along, giving history the push it deserves.
A comrade

viernes, 3 de julio de 2015

GALIZA: Polícia espanhola agride e ameaça manifestaçom pola Lei Mordaça na Corunha (Diario Liberdade)

IMG 2015 07 01 20 10 36

 Foto de Stop Despejos Corunha - O resultado da atuaçom policial.

Galiza - Stop Despejos Corunha - Apoiando a convocatoria estatal de No Somos Delito, ás 20h do dia 30 de xuño concentráronse unhas 400 persoas de forma pacífica no Obelisco para protestar contra a Lei Mordaza, que dende día 1 de xullo é firme.

A concentración moveuse uns metros para protestar diante da sede da Fundación Abanca dada a presencia alí do Presidente da Xunta, Alberto Nuñez Feijoo, responsable e representante de boa parte das políticas que atentan contra os nosos dereitos. Nese momento un forte despliegue policial cunha actitude chulesca e violenta, montou un cordón e comezou a ameazar aos compañeiros e compañeiras de que se multaría os e as manifestantes.
Ante a interpelación dun compañeiro pedindo explicacións por estas medidas, o xefe do operativo dixo que non precisaba de identificar, que “yo os conozco a todos y no necesito identificaros”, recoñecendo así as listas de activistas que dende o noso colectivo contra os despexos teñen denunciado. A tensión policial contrastaba co ambiente tranquilo e reivindicativo da protesta.
Tras estar alí un tempo, a manifestación dirixiuse pola rúa Real cara a Subdelegación do Goberno. Ó chegar alí, e antes de poder ler o manifesto, apareceron de novo os antidisturbios e sen mediar palabra comezaron a empurrar á xente, inmobilizaron e retiveron a unha persoa pola forza, retorcéndolle os brazos, baixo a excusa de que “estaba cortando o tráfico”. Cando a xente, alarmada, acudiu a pedir explicacións, non tiveron reparos en aporrear sen ningún tipo de control e ensañándose con algunhas persoas ás que ameazaron previamente con frases do tipo a ti y a ti os tenemos ganas y vamos a ir a por vosotros”. Unha destas compañeiras foi brutalmente agredida tirándoa deliberadamente ó chan e sendo golpeada con crueldade repetidas veces, con o resultado da fotografía que acompaña este artigo.
Nos últimos anos en manifestacións como esta nunca houbo incidentes violentos: unicamente os provocados polos antidisturbios demostrando a súa intención de amedrentar ós colectivos que reivindican os seus dereitos. A nova Lei Mordaza non fai máis que legalizar e sistematizar estas prácticas de abuso de poder. Por todo isto esiximos a dimisión do xefe de operativo responsable destes actos, a do Subdelegado do Goberno e do Delegado do Goberno como responsables políticos directos, e a disolución das unidades antidisturbios como corpo pensado para reprimir a sociedade civil.
De Stop Desafiuzamentos "non nos queremos esquecer de amosar o noso agradecemento a tódalas persoas que non teñen medo. Con ou sen Lei Mordaza imos seguir defendendo os dereitos e liberdades de todas nós".

BRASIL: LIBERDADE PRA LUTAR ! Agradecimento do camarada Igor Mendes á campanha por sua liberdade. (Tribuna da Imprenta)

À campanha pela libertação dos presos/as políticos/as,
A todos àqueles que aprenderam a dizer não:
É com grande alegria que escrevo estas linhas, as primeiras desde que saí da prisão. É impossível encontrar palavras para descrever não só o que sinto, como o significado que teve pra mim o reencontro com aqueles que tornaram real a minha liberdade. Impossível! Talvez pela incapacidade para lidar com tamanha responsabilidade, e também pela absoluta falta de tempo, tenha adiado escrever esse texto, que faço agora, de madrugada, à base de café, por não aceitar mais adia-lo.
Muito obrigado! Obrigado aos lutadores, obrigado ao nosso povo, obrigado aos nossos defensores, obrigado aos que não se renderam.
Falei a palavra responsabilidade. Nenhuma outra traduz melhor a minha posição nesse momento. Diante da vigorosa, e por que não dizer, histórica campanha movida nos últimos meses, que foi capaz de furar o bloqueio das grades e muros que nos separavam, diante do esforço e solidariedade dedicado por muitas pessoas que eu pouco ou mesmo nem conheço, a única sensação que tenho é que hoje é maior a minha responsabilidade perante o movimento popular. Ouvi dizer a respeito da minha postura, que teria sido um exemplo, etc. Não posso medi-lo, nem imagino que poderia agir de qualquer outro modo. Apenas lhes digo: sabê-los firmes obrigava-me a manter-me firme, para estar à altura de todo esforço e combatividade que vocês moviam. Para estar à altura das jornadas de junho, à altura da juventude combatente. E se fui escolhido, no meio de milhões, para pagar o preço pela mobilização de toda uma geração, que assim seja. Para mim se trata de uma honra.
Quero aproveitar e responder publicamente à pergunta que me foi feita ao longo dos últimos sete meses, pelos presos, e também desde que saí do cárcere: valeu a pena? Continuarei sustentando minhas posições?
Digo que o que vi no sistema penitenciário não apenas confirmou as minhas convicções de que nosso país precisa de uma grande e profunda Revolução de Nova Democracia, como preencheu essa convicção de um novo significado. Ler estatísticas sobre as prisões superlotadas, sobre as torturas que lá são praticadas e sobre o caráter seletivo da cadeia –que é feita tão somente para os pobres, para os deserdados da terra –é diferente de sentir tudo isso na pele. Essas estatísticas frias têm hoje, para mim, nomes e rostos, e me obrigam a seguir adiante, com mais força do que antes.
Ademais, a luta popular não irá diminuir, ao contrário, a crise na qual está mergulhado o Brasil, e que é bastante grave, indica que as mobilizações prosseguirão, como um rio que não deixa de fluir. Incontível. Irrefreável. E se a luta popular não irá diminuir, é inevitável que ocorram novas perseguições, e novas lutas, e assim sucessivamente. Quem vencerá? Aqueles que defendem o futuro, ainda que depois de muitos reveses, como registra a milenar história da Humanidade.
Por fim, celebramos a decisão do Superior Tribunal de Justiça que, ao nos libertar, ainda retirou a medida cautelar que nos restringia a freqüência à manifestações, por ser tal restrição absolutamente inconstitucional. Abrindo, com isso, precedente para que ativistas de todo o Brasil não sejam nunca mais violentados em sua liberdade por simplesmente lutarem, se manifestarem, se expressarem. Porque a luta, como condição para a conquista e defesa de todo e qualquer direito, é o mais importante de todos os direitos.
Dia 12 de julho, a menos que algo muito grave aconteça, estarei de volta às ruas. Custaram-me sete meses de prisão. Mas valeu a pena, cada minuto. Espero vê-los lá! Venceremos!
Lutar não é crime!
Liberdade a todos os presos políticos e extinção dos processos!
Liberdade para Rafael Braga!
Todos à manifestação do próximo dia 12 de julho!

jueves, 2 de julio de 2015



ITALIA: Acciones de la campaña internacional en defensa del camarada Ajith en Palermo, Roma y Taranto.

   Lottiamo per la liberazione del compagno Ajith

A Palermo oggi come in tutto il mondo si apre la campagna di solidarietà per il compagno Ajith arrestato ingiustamente dal governo reazionario indiano con l'accusa di essere un intellettuale maoista. La così detta più grande democrazia del mondo dice che un reato dedicare la vita al bene dei popoli contro le disuguaglianze che invece questo sistema in India crea e cioè di classe, casta e genere basati su sfruttamento e oppressione delle masse popolari.
A Palermo si è iniziato oggi con un attacchinaggio al centro della città ma è solo l'inizio per una campagna che da oggi si prolungherà fino al 28 luglio a livello internazionale, con diverse iniziative per diffondere la nostra solidarietà tra intellettuali, studenti, operai, lavoratori e masse popolari in generale e anche come denuncia di questa violazione dei diritti umani, perché il compagno Ajith è in carcere soltanto per il suo pensiero politico maoista.E' stata data anche la solidarietà degli stessi intellettuali indiani che hanno detto chiaramente che essere maoisti non può essere considerato un crimine.

miércoles, 1 de julio de 2015

GALIZA: Accións da nova campaña internacional en defensa do camarada Ajith

Hoxe, no cabodano do asasinato do camarada Azad comenza a nova campaña internacional do ICSPWI en defensa do veterano intelectual comunista, K Murali, camarada Ajith. Un dos presos políticos máis significativos dos revolucionarios na India.
Do 1º de xullo ao 28 de xullo facemos un chamado ao noso pobo a difundir e apoiar esta nova accion internacionalista contra a represión do réxime reaccionario indiano.
Galiza, 1º de xullo do 2015

Comité Galego de Apoio a Guerra Popular na India

martes, 30 de junio de 2015


Prof. Jose Maria Sison
Founding Chairman, Communist Party of the Philippines
Chief Political Consultant, National Democratic Front of the Philippines
I join the Filipino people, the people’s revolutionary government, the Communist Party of the Philippines, the New People’s Army, the National Democratic Front of the Philippines, the revolutionary mass organizations and other revolutionary forces in mourning the death of Comrade Leoncio Pitao (Commander Parago) and in celebrating his achievements from the time he joined the NPA in 1978 until his martyrdom yesterday on June 28, 2015.
It is fitting and proper that all of us accord him with the Red salute and the highest respect and honor for serving the Filipino people and the international proletariat. He is a great patriot, outstanding communist fighter and revolutionary commander. He has made significant contributions and the supreme sacrifice in the Filipino people’s democratic revolution for national and social liberation against foreign monopoly capitalism, feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism.
Comrade Leoncio Pitao (Ka Parago) was devoted to the theory and practice of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and applied it successfully together with other comrades and the people in Southern Mindanao Region. He excelled as a cadre of the Communist Party of the Philippines and as a commander of the New People’s Army. He adhered to the Second Great Rectification Movement and carried forward the building of the Party, the people’s army and the united front.
In advancing the people’s war, he integrated revolutionary struggle with land reform and building the organs of political power and mass organization. He applied the line of extensive and intensive guerrilla warfare on the basis of a widening and deepening mass base. He developed the closest of relations with the working people, the indigenous people and allies.
He had a mastery of the strategy and tactics of guerrilla warfare, flexibly employing concentration, dispersal and shifting, depending on the need in a fluid war of movement. He became known nationally and internationally for the revolutionary victories as commander of the First Pulang Bagani Company in the Southern Mindanao Region.
As a result of correct political line and his effective tactical command, this heroic and glorious company has grown into the First Pulang Bagani Battalion. According to the Southern Mindanao Regional Command, Ka Parago planned and commanded the countless disarming operations in the 1980s and 1990s, the capture of General Obillo and Capt. Montealto in 1999, the raid on the Davao Penal Colony and other many tactical offensives.
Ka Parago was captured in November 1999 and was put in solitary confinement in the ISAFP headquarters in Camp Aguinaldo. He was offered by the enemy a huge amount of money as bribe for him to leave and denounce the revolutionary movement. But he outrightly refused the offer and upheld his loyalty and commitment to the Filipino people and the revolution.
The lawyers of the Public Interest Law Center and the Department of Justice pleaded to the court for his release as a goodwill measure of the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) in the GRP-NDFP peace negotiations. It was during this time that the Chairperson of the NDFP Negotiating Panel Luis Jalandoni and panel member Coni Ledesma were able to visit him and hold a press conference with him. Ka Parago was released from prison in 2001.
After his release, Ka Parago decided to rejoin the comrades in the countryside. And he continued to render outstanding service to the revolutionary cause of the Filipino people, especially in the battlefield. The enemy hated him so much that military agents abducted, tortured, raped and murdered his 22-year old daughter Rebelyn, a school teacher, and dumped her in a ditch in Panabo City in 2009. This barbarity became the subject of outrage among the people and human rights organizations in the Philippines and abroad.
Despite the abduction, torture, rape and murder of his daughter, he continued as a principled revolutionary to respect the policy of the CPP and NPA for according lenient treatment to prisoners of war as well as the International Humanitarian Law regarding respect for the human rights of the said prisoners. Exercising political wisdom, he went so far as issuing a statement to assure the families of enemy officers and men that there would be no retaliation on them. As a matter of justice under the people’s government, he sought out for punishment only those identified as the abductors and killers of his daughter.
So successful were the tactical offensives commanded by Ka Parago that prisoners were often captured. He and the Red fighters under his command used the necessary amount of force to achieve victory. But they were lenient and kind to the enemy officers and men who surrendered or survived the battle. The bodies of the dead were respected. The wounded were treated by NPA medical officers. The prisoners received the same food as the NPA fighters. They were released as soon as possible, as long as they were not liable for any serious criminal offense.
For an extended period already, Ka Parago had been ill with diabetes, hyperthyroidism, hepatitis and hypertension. He was under medical treatment at the time of his death. The comrades had advised him to take a leave for medical treatment outside his area of command but he insisted on staying close to the people. Investigation by the revolutionary authorities has established that on June 28, 2015 at 2:30 p.m., an enemy team raided Purok 9 of barangay Pañalum in the Paquibato district of Davao City, where Ka Parago was undergoing medical care, and that there was no encounter between units of the NPA and the enemy.
The enemy immediately raked Ka Parago with automatic fire upon sight of him. His unarmed medical aide Ka Kyle or Vanessa Limpag had the chance to raise her hands and shout that she was a medic. But she was mowed down by the enemy raiding team. The enemy has withdrawn the photo and video it previously published, showing the murdered Ka Parago in his homewear and barefooted, with two obviously planted Armalite rifles for photo takingclose to his and Ka Vanessa’s bodies .
The enemy in its propaganda is gloating over their brutal killing of Ka Parago and his medical aide. It is boasting that the revolutionary movement is “declining”. It is oblivious of the fact that before Ka Parago died he was able to educate and train so many revolutionary successors in 37 years of revolutionary struggle. In recent years, months and days, the reactionary armed forces and unwelcome foreign monopoly enterprises have been receiving lethal blows from the NPA in the Southern Mindanao region.
Ka Parago continues to live and fight for national liberation and democracy through his successors in the CPP, NPA and the mass movement. After his heroic martyrdom, his successors are inspired and are ever more determined to fight for a new and better world.
The reactionary armed forces have concentrated more than 50 per cent of their strength in Eastern Mindanao in the vain hope of defeating the NPA here since sometime ago. But within this area, the NPA has enough room for maneuver. The forces of the NPA are also taking advantage of the reduced strength of the reactionary armed forces in other parts of Mindanao and in the Visayas and Luzon in order to wage tactical offensives. These are not being reportedly fully by the bourgeois mass media.
There is no way for the imperialists and the local reactionaries to stop the growth of the CPP, NPA, the mass organizations and organs of political powers, because the crisis of the world capitalist system and the domestic ruling system of big compradors and landlords is ever worsening and the broad masses of the people detest the intolerable conditions of oppression and exploitation and are desirous of revolutionary change in the face of the ever worsening conditions of exploitation and oppression.
Long live the memory of Comrade Leoncio Pitao!
Advance the revolutionary cause which he fought and died for!
Long live the revolutionary struggle in Mindanao, Visayas and Luzon!
Carry forward the Philippine revolution!
Long live the Filipino people!

INDIA: Jailed DU Professor G N Saibaba gets bail for 3 months./ El profesor GN Saibaba en libertad provisional por tres meses.

Written by Aamir Khan | Mumbai |Updated: June 30, 2015 4:21 pm India Political Prisoners

Delhi University professor G N Saibaba, jailed for alleged Maoist links, was on Tuesday granted bail for three months by the Bombay High Court on health ground. Saibaba has been in jail since his arrest in May 2014 by the Maharashtra Police from the Delhi University campus.
Saying that it will be failing in its duty in protecting the fundamental rights of Saibaba, the Bombay High Court granted him bail to undergo medical treatment for his failing health condition.
The English professor will walk out of Nagpur Central Prison as the HC felt he needed his family’s round-the clock assistance. He has been asked to furnish a personal bond of Rs 50,000.
“If extra ordinary powers enshrined under Article 226 is not exercised, this court will be failing in its duty to protect the fundamental rights of professor G N Saibaba, professor of English at Delhi University. Therefore, this court is inclined to direct respondents (jail authorises) to release him for three months for medical treatment and support of his family,” Chief Justice Mohit Shah and Justice S B Shukre observed.
Public Prosecutor Sandeep Shinde, however, opposed the reprieve saying Saibaba is associated with the banned CPI (Maoist) and there was a possibility of him tampering with evidence.
He argued that the hard disk retrieved from Saibaba’s house corroborated with the evidence in memory cards gathered from a couple of accused who had claimed of getting it from Saibaba.
Activist Purnima Upadhyay, whose letter to the court highlighted Saibaba’s failing health, had pointed out the difficulties faced by his family in getting him treated. His family stays in Delhi and his wife and brother have to travel frequently to meet him.
The HC took note of the affidavit which says that Saibaba had to be wheeled with assistance. He had also dislocated his shoulder, besides having a crippled right hand due to spinal problems.
“He often gets muscle cramps. He has also been fainting. He said that complications in his kidney and gall bladder have led to urinal problems as he was on strong medication,” the petitioner had said. Keeping his deteriorating condition in mind, the court noted that there was a need to re-examine his bail plea.
Allowing Saibaba’s brother and wife to meet him, Chief Justice Mohit Shah and Justice A K Menon had earlier directed prison authorities to shift the professor to a hospital of his choice. The HC had also rapped the police for ‘working blindly’ and treating the ailing professor ‘like an animal’.
Senior counsel Gayatri Singh, appearing for the petitioner, had said that government facilities in Nagpur were incapable of handling Saibaba’s case. Escalating medical cost, up to Rs 1 lakh, which the family had incurred was worrisome, she had said.

FILIPINAS: Ka Parago remained strong and vigilant under no less than five reactionary regimes. / Nota de prensa del NEP informa de la muerte del comandate Ka Parago

""Larga vida a la revolución! Larga vida a las masas! Estas fueron las últimas palabras desafiantes pronunciadas por  Ka Parago, que resuenan en todo el archipiélago.""

New People’s Army
Regional Command
Southern Mindanao
June 29, 2015
Press Statement

The Southern Mindanao Regional Command of the New People’s Army and the entire revolutionary forces express their deepest most profound salute to a great leader and warrior, Ka Parago or Leoncio Pitao who was killed in a raid together with guerrilla medic Ka Kyle on June 28, 2015 at 2:30 pm in Barangay Panalum, Paquibato district, Davao City.
Ka Parago was being treated for his diabetes, hyperthyroidism and hepatitis when the raiding team composed of the 6th Scout Ranger Company, 2nd Scout Ranger Battalion under the 1st Scout Ranger Regiment peppered him with bullets. Ka Kyle or Vanessa Limpag who was nursing Ka Parago had already raised her arms, shouting that she was a medic, when she too was razed to the ground by the military. She died instantly.
The Philippine Army must be very proud and happy to have killed a very sick man and an unarmed medic. They have no regard at all for the rules of engagement under the protocols of war as specified in the Geneva Convention and the Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law. They kill with impunity.
Ka Parago had served the national democratic revolution for close to 37 years. He spent the greater part of his adult life serving the people, in unstinting dedication to the cause of national democracy. As a Red commander, he led and trained so many young warriors in the art of guerrilla warfare.
From the countless disarming operations in the 1980s and 1990s to the capture of General Obillo and Capt. Montealto in 1999 to the raid of Davao Penal Colony and the countless tactical offensives mounted by the Pulang Bagani Company.
Ka Parago remained strong and vigilant under no less than five reactionary regimes, from the Marcos dictatorship to the current US-Aquino regime.
When he was detained in 1999 and the enemy offered him so much “reward money,” he never turned his back to the people and the revolution. He remained stalwart in his convictions and ever faithful to the communist spirit of defending the security of the revolutionary forces and the interest of the people.
Even when he was grieving and agonizing over the tragic death of his daughter Rebelyn who was raped and killed by military intelligence operatives in 2009, Ka Parago exercised political wisdom.
The people in Southern Mindanao remember him as their most beloved son who was always at their side, ready to help them solve their problems- -so unlike the AFP generals who do nothing but attack and burden the people.
He lived very simply. He was the exact opposite of the corrupt generals of the AFP. Ka Parago’s spartan life became an enduring example for every revolutionary who knew him or worked with him. As a matter of fact, for many years since the onset of his illness, he declined the Party’s offer of a sick leave. All he wanted to his last dying breath was to live with the masses and to serve them.
Long live the revolution! Long live the masses! These were the last defiant words uttered by Ka Parago—words that reverberate throughout the entire archipelago.
Truly he lives in the hearts of the people as we honor his death. Thousands of young revolutionaries who have been inspired by this great guerrilla warrior now follow in his footsteps. The masses and the comrades grieve his death, yes, but they turn his grief to greater revolutionary fervor as the people’s war goes on.

(sgd.) Rigoberto F. Sanchez
Southern Mindanao Regional Command
New People’s Army