sábado, 1 de agosto de 2015

KURDISTAN: Continúan los ataques terroristas de la aviación turca contra aldeas asesinando a mujeres y niños. Imagenes del las victimas en Qandil Zergelê





YEMEN: Dura resposta á agresión saudí.


Fuerzas yemeníes atacan las regiones sureñas de Arabia Saudí.

correovermello-noticias
Sanaá, 31.07.15
Según informa o portal Hispantv que cita fontes yemenis o exercito apoiado polas milicias populares do movemento Ansarola teñen expulsado a mercenarios de gran parte da cidade de Taiz situada no suroeste do país.
Así mesmo reportanse importantes combates contra forzas agresoras na fronteira, nos mesmos terianse lanzados misis Scud contra bases saudís así coma de lanzafoguetes tipo Katyusha.
O goberno yemeni ten rexeitado o alto ao fogo dunha seman ordeado polos agresores por consideralo unha simple maniobra para evitar súa derrota.

BOLIVIA: Condenamos el brutal ataque del MAS y autoridades de San Simón contra el movimiento estudiantil cochabambino

Sectores sociales de Cochabamba marchan en repudio por la intervención delincuencial de la Universidad por parte de elementos lumpenes del MAS
Análisis y Opinión
21/07/15

En la madrugada del día 30 de julio un grupo de delincuentes encapuchados armados con palos, petardos y dinamita asaltó las instalaciones de la Universidad Mayor de San Simón (UMSS) de Cochabamba, el ataque tuvo como objetivo asaltar la FUL y la Radio Universitaria que fue saqueada y quemada. Los hechos precedentes y el contexto de la lucha no deja dudas que la organización y ejecución de todo esto fue obra de las autoridades universitarias y el gobierno de Evo Morales.
Los estudiantes de la UMSS que asumieron la lucha hace casi dos meses se levantaron contra algo totalmente básico y justo, impedir el intento de titularizar docentes por decreto sin ningún tipo de evaluación, esta titularización viola incluso las normas reglamentarias de la Universidad, por lo tanto la lucha estudiantil se circunscribía sobre algo tan esencial que las autoridades universitarias deberían hacer respetar, el reglamento interno de la Universidad. Pero nosotros sabemos que generalmente toda medida resolutiva encierra intereses de grupo o de clase y en la universidad los diferentes grupos pujan por sacar partido según la fuerza que demuestran en las reuniones de “autoridades” no importando si violan o no su reglamento. En este caso, la imposición de sectores de docentes no solo atenta contra el reglamento sino contra los objetivos de los estudiantes y los hijos del pueblo a una formación idónea y a mejorar la calidad de la educación, a la vez que esconde el arribismo y el contrabando titularizador de los que manejan la universidad y tienen la necesidad de devolver favores a su “base” prebendal.

En las universidades del país hace tiempo que determinados grupos (roscas o logias) se lotearon los espacios porque son el reflejo de la semifeudalidad existente en nuestra formación social, este loteamiento de la universidad se da incluso en los grupos “más académicos” que se precian de “hacer ciencia y no política”, pero además estos grupos que se han repartido los espacios universitarios y hacen un manejo gamonal, se mueven de acuerdo a las coyunturas políticas y casi siempre están en función de tal o cual gobernante de turno. Éstos están formados fundamentalmente por autoridades, sectores docentes y estudiantes prebendalizados y cooptados.

Este grupo de gente que hasta hace unos años simpatizaba con el emerrismo o el mirismo ahora es masista y este vínculo se puede ver por ejemplo en las pasadas elecciones a alcaldes y gobernadores, donde muchos miembros de la universidad candidatearon por varios partidos y en particular por el MAS, en el caso de la UMSS el anterior rector Lucio Gonzáles postuló a la alcaldía del cercado de Cochabamba por el partido de Evo Morales y dejó a cargo de la U a su amigo Waldo Jiménez otro individuo ligado al régimen del caudillo cocalero.

Las gestiones de estos rectores se sintetizan en la violación de la autonomía universitaria porque siempre buscaron la intervención de los agentes represores del Estado, la policía, en la resolución de los conflictos universitarios. La lucha universitaria que en estos momentos vive la Universidad ha apelado a la población y a los sectores sociales mientras que el rector Waldo Jiménez apela a los organismos represores del Estado, la fiscalía y la policía. La lucha de los sectores explotados tiene la virtud de revelar las contradicciones de clase del Estado y también posicionar a los actores, los que buscan la solidaridad del pueblo y los que se amparan en la dictadura de clase del Estado y usan sus aparatos represores y coercitivos.
 La FUL y la radio Universitaria fue incendiada por los grupos masistas
La estrategia estudiantil durante el conflicto ha sido defender de manera intransigente el respeto al reglamento universitario, apelar a la solidaridad del pueblo, de otras universidades y desenmascarar la dictadura de clase del Estado y del gobierno del llamado “hermano presidente”; por el otro lado las autoridades universitarias han sido intransigentes en imponer su resolución de titularización, apelar a la policía y el corrupto poder judicial así como también usar delincuentes mercenarios.

En las primeras movilizaciones la prensa reveló a un individuo acuchillando a un estudiante universitario, el acuchillador incluso no era miembro de la universidad pero participó en la arremetida contra los estudiantes, había sido contratado por los sectores opositores entre los que se encontraban las autoridades y dirigentes estudiantiles afiliados al MAS de Evo Morales.

De la forma en que en tiempos de Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada grupos de delincuentes eran usados mercenariamente para asaltar la UMSA o irrumpir en la UPEA, hoy esa práctica se usa contra la lucha estudiantil en la UMSS. La complicidad de las autoridades antiuniversitarias (Waldo Jiménez y Juan Ríos dirigente de los docentes) y el gobierno de turno se puede ver en la actuación de los militantes del MAS en el conflicto, los frentes estudiantiles masistas también arremetieron contra la lucha universitaria; han sido grupos del “juventudes masistas” quienes hace un par de días intentaron tomar la universidad en pleno día, estaban armados de toletes que usan los miembros de seguridad, gases lacrimógenos que usa la policía, escudos artesanales de metal, dinamita y petardos, semejante logística y material policial no se explica sin la participación del gobierno, peor aún, estos maleantes fueron luego liberados por la policía y luego participaron del asalto de la universidad el día 30 a las cuatro de la madrugada; el dirigente de las juventudes del Trópico (de Cochabamba) Mario Peñasco, en su afán de limpiarse de responsabilidades por la intervención delincuencial, acusó a Adhemar Valda (Diputado suplente del MAS) y a Waldo Jiménez (rector del UMSS) de armar a estos grupos de choque y financiar con 1000 Bs la compra de dinamita; por fuentes muy confiables también se sabe que el dirigente de la CUB, Max Mendoza, salido de la San Simón de Cochabamba, mantiene una política en contra del movimiento universitario, bloquea constantemente la solidaridad de otras universidades, coordina con sus acólitos de otras FULes masistas en la vicepresidencia del Estado, el feudo de los García Linera. Este sujeto despreciable ha sido desconocido en un congreso estudiantil de la UPEA, las actas de esta resolución han sido publicadas a pesar de los intentos de esconderlas por el dirigente FUL Upea, José Chura Mamani, acólito de Mendoza y también afín al MAS.

La policía y la fiscalía han liberado a los delincuentes que asaltaron y quemaron la Universidad, los liberan de culpas a pesar de haberles encontrado gran cantidad de armamento represivo e incluso drogas (marihuana y cocaína según declaración de la policía), la represión policial ha puesto al borde de la muerte al dirigente estudiantil Jhon Copagua, dirigente de la FUL y estudiante de la carrera de Agronomía, al dispararle una granada de gas directamente a la cabeza, es la misma clase de represión brutal que ejercieron en La Paz al disparar al cuerpo a los luchadores potosinos, el corrupto poder judicial no ha tenido ningún reparo en secuestrar a la hija adoptiva de la dirigente estudiantil Marcia Torrico que se encuentra en más de 45 días de huelga de hambre como parte de la lucha estudiantil y para recuperar a su hija. Sin embargo este mismo poder corrupto y represor, al que apelan el rector Waldo Jiménez y el dirigente docente Juan Ríos, persigue políticamente y apresa e imputa a los dirigentes universitarios.

Momento exacto en que el estudiante Jhon Copagua es impactado en la cabeza por una granada de gas disparada por la policía que protegía a los delincuentes que habían tomado la FUL
Hemos señalado innumerables veces que el Estado es una dictadura de clase y los conflictos sociales, como parte de la lucha de clase, ponen en evidencia esa dictadura, esta evidencia desvela toda la demagogia del MAS y de Evo Morales sobre el “gobierno de los movimientos sociales”, pero además una característica particular que podemos añadir al gobierno de Evo es la que los dirigentes potosinos han señalado constantemente en su cabildo, que este gobierno es fascista, su violencia es fascista, su afición a enfrentar masa contra masa y apelar al lumpen, a los elementos atrasados del proletariado y los sectores populares en parte de una política fascista.

Condenamos la represión brutal contra el movimiento estudiantil cochabambino y llamamos a la solidaridad del pueblo y los sectores populares, es la única forma de triunfar sobre la represión fascista.

viernes, 31 de julio de 2015

INDIA:Anuradha Ghandy: The Rebel. / Esbozo biografico de la vida de la camarada Anurandha Ghandy. LAL SALAAM !


cover
She was born into privilege and could easily have chosen the easy life. But Anuradha Ghandy chose guns over roses to fight for the dispossessed.
On a muggy April evening in 2008, somewhere in Mumbai, a doctor was trying desperately to get in touch with his patient. The patient happened to be a woman in her early 50s, who had come that morning with high fever. The doctor had advised a few blood tests, and, as he saw the reports, he started making frantic calls to the phone number the patient had scribbled in her nearly illegible handwriting. The number, he soon realised, did not exist. He was restless. The reports indicated the presence of two deadly strains of malaria in the woman’s bloodstream—she had to be admitted to a hospital without delay. Time was racing by and there was no trace of her.
By the time the woman contacted the doctor again, a few days had passed. The doctor wanted her placed under intensive care immediately. But it was too late.
anuradha1
The next morning, on April 12, Anuradha Ghandy was dead. She had suffered multiple organ failure, her immune system already weakened by systemic sclerosis, an auto-immune disease responsible for, among other things, her bad handwriting.
The news spread quickly among friends and followers of Anu, as she was fondly called. Before long news had reached Indora, a Dalit basti in Nagpur where Anu had lived for seven years. This was before her name appeared in the Home Ministry dossiers as Janaki alias Narmada alias Varsha – the only woman in the CPI(Maoist)’s Central Committee, the highest decision-making body of the Naxalites.
How did the daughter of a high profile lawyer of Bombay High Court, a graduate of the city’s prestigious Elphinstone college, an M.Phil in Sociology, a girl born into privilege, come to choose a life of struggle and hardship in the treacherous jungles of Bastar, a rifle by her side and a tarpaulin sheet for a bedding? The answer perhaps lies in the times she lived in. Or the kind of person she was. Or maybe a bit of both.
***
Anuradha was born to Ganesh and Kumud Shanbag, both of them activists, who chose to marry in the office of the Communist Party of India (CPI). As a young boy, Ganesh Shanbag had run away from his home in Coorg to join Subhash Chandra Bose’s army, and later, as a lawyer, he would fight the cases of communists arrested in the Telangana struggle. While his briefcase would be full of petitions filed on behalf of the arrested comrades, Kumud would be busy knitting and collecting sweaters to be sent for soldiers fighting war with China.
Anuradha’s brother Sunil Shanbag, who is a progressive playwright, recalls her being good at studies as well as extra-curricular activities like dancing. But she was extremely aware of what was happening around her. Says Sunil: “When I was in boarding school, she would send me letters, writing about issues like the nationalisation of banks. And she was only 12 then.” But beyond this awareness, Anuradha was like any other girl when she joined college in 1972. “She would come home and straighten her hair with the help of a warm iron as girls would do in those days,” recalls Kumud Shanbag.
The early 70s were heady days for the youth. Much was happening all around the world. Mao had ushered in the Cultural Revolution in China. Vietnam was offering fierce resistance to the American forces. Back home, the spring thunder of Naxalbari had erupted. Hundreds of students of elite colleges were giving up their careers and joining the Naxalite movement. Young men from affluent families, who had gone abroad for higher studies, were getting radicalised. One of them was an alumnus of Doon School, and a classmate of Sanjay Gandhi. Kobad Ghandy’s father was a top Glaxo executive, and the family lived in a sprawling sea-facing flat in Worli. He had gone to pursue a course in chartered accountancy in England, and it was there that he got initiated in radical politics. Leaving his course unfinished, he returned.
Meanwhile, Anuradha had been working as a lecturer, but she was dedicated to the Progressive Youth Movement (PROYOM), which drew its inspiration from the Naxal movement. Later, she would become one of the torchbearers of the civil liberties movement in Mumbai. It is around this time that Anuradha and Kobad came in touch with each other. It is not clear who inspired whom, but soon both had turned “staunch activists,” as one common friends puts it.
The two soon fell in love, and Kumud vividly remembers the day Kobad came visiting their house. “My husband was here on this chair,” she points out, “and Kobad came and fell on his knees and said: ‘Can I marry your daughter?’”
The two got married in November 1977.
By 1980, Naxal squads from the erstwhile CPI(ML) (People’s War) were entering Dandakaranya—a swathe of forest spread across Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra, and Orissa—to set up a guerrilla base. In 1981, the founder of the People’s War, Kondapalli Seetharamaiah expressed his desire to meet Kobad during a conference of the Radical Students’ Union in Andhra Pradesh. The People’s War was keen to enter the Gadchiroli region of Maharshtra. Naxal ideologue Varvara Rao says the meeting between the two paved the way to the formation of People’s War in Maharashtra.
Kumud Shanbag at her Mumbai flat, with a picture of Anuradha on her wedding day (Photo: RITESH UTTAMCHANDANI)
Kumud Shanbag at her Mumbai flat, with a picture of Anuradha on her wedding day (Photo: RITESH UTTAMCHANDANI)
The couple’s commitment was total. A year later, Anuradha moved to Nagpur, which has the second largest slum population in Maharashtra, and is also home to a significant number of Dalits (It was in Nagpur in October 1956 that BR Ambedkar accepted Buddhism). She first stayed in a barsati [small, one-room terrace apartment] in the Lakshmi Nagar area. Kumud remembers visiting her there with her husband. “When we saw where she stayed, we couldn’t believe our eyes,” says Kumud. The roof leaked from many places. And it rained that night. “Our helper was with us who crept under a table and slept there,” recalls Kumud.
By 1986, however, Anuradha had shifted to north Nagpur’s Indora locality, the epicentre of Dalit politics. She rented two small rooms at the house of a postal department employee, Khushaal Chinchikhede. “There was absolutely nothing in their house except two trunksful of books and a mud pitcher,” he says. Anuradha also worked as part-time lecturer in Nagpur University. Later, Kobad would also come to live there. Both would be out till midnight. Anuradha used a rundown cycle to commute, and it was later at the insistence of other activists that Kobad bought a TVS Champ moped.
Indora was notorious for its rowdies. “No taxi or autorickshaw driver would dare venture inside Indora,” says Anil Borkar, who grew up in Indora. But Anuradha was unfazed. “She would pass though the basti at midnight, all alone on a cycle,” remembers Borkar. He met Anuradha through a friend. “She made me aware of so many things. It was like the whole world opened in front of me,” he says.
Because of Anuradha, Devanand Pantavne, a black belt in karate turned into a poet and the lead singer of a radical cultural troupe. Pantavne remembers her as a stickler for deadlines. “She would get very angry if we took up a job and then didn’t deliver on time,” he says. Another young man, Surendra Gadling was motivated by Anuradha to take up law. Today, he fights cases for various activists and alleged Naxals. “She is my guiding light,” he says. It is not without reason. Anuradha led by example, living the life she wanted the basti boys to lead.
anuradha4In 1994, a Dalit woman, Manorama Kamble, working as a maid in an influential lawyer’s house was found dead, with the lawyer’s family claiming that she had accidently electrocuted herself to death. But the activists feared that she had been raped and then killed by the lawyer. Anuradha led an agitation, and it was due to her efforts that the case created ripples in the state assembly and in Parliament.
In Indora, one of Anuradha’s trusted lieutenants was Biwaji Badke, a 4ft-tall Dalit activist. “Every morning Badke would come to her house and share all news with Anuradha over tea,” recall friends. Later, when he was diagnosed with throat cancer, Anuradha brought him to her house and nursed him for months. Another associate, Shoma Sen remembers her being very sensitive to the lives of others. “Her house in Indora was open to everyone. Every time someone would come and one more cup of water would be added to the tea,” she says.
Because of her, many others from well-to-do families were inspired to become activists. Says her old friend and associate of her activist days, Susan Abraham: “When I became an activist it was always heartening to see someone from Anu’s background working along with you.”
It was in the mid 90s that Anuradha joined the Naxal leadership in the jungles of Bastar and finally went underground. Maina, a member of the CPI-Maoist’s Special Zone Committee in Dandakaranya, remembers her efforts to mingle with the local Gond tribals: “Many people used to question us about her, saying didi (Anuradha) is not from this country, she does not know our language. Didi would smilingly approach them saying: ‘I know what you are asking; please teach me your language; I will learn everything from you.’”
Life in the jungle is very harsh. The guerrillas are always on the move, from one village to another, carrying heavy kitbags. Even there, Anuradha wouldn’t shy away from enduring hardships; she did everything that other guerrillas would do. A Naxal leader, who was in Bastar when she first came there, remembers her not sparing herself any of the regular military drill: running, crawling, push-ups, the works. Says Maina, “She would slip and fall many times while walking in the slushy mud, but she would get up and laugh.”
In 1999, Anuradha was camping along with other guerillas in Chhattisgarh’s Sarkengudem village when the police surrounded them. An encounter ensued. Lahar, a senior guerilla remembers Anuradha taking cover and aiming her gun at the ‘enemy’. Later, she would always recollect that incident, urging the youth to learn the skills of guerrilla warfare. But Sunil remembers her speaking about the “awkwardness of carrying a gun.”
The hard life of the jungle was not easy on her body—she suffered frequent bouts of malaria. During the same summer, she had been walking for hours one day when she stopped and lost consciousness. Her comrades made her drink glucose water. Apparently, she had suffered a sun-stroke. After she recovered, she refused to hand over her kit-bag to others, says Lahar.
When south Bastar was affected by severe drought in 1998-99, the tribals were forced to eat rice, which, Maina says, “had more stones than grain in it.” The same rice was offered to the guerrillas as well, which they would eat with tamarind paste. “Taking one fistful after another and then gulping water in between, she used to take a lot of time to finish her meal,” recalls Maina. She also developed ulcers in her stomach. “She would relieve the pain by eating one or two biscuits and a glass of water,” she says.
To lessen her load, Anuradha also decided to do away with the heavy blanket guerrillas carry, opting instead for a thin bedsheet. It was during this time that she developed sclerosis.
No matter what the Centre claims, the Naxals often fill in the void created by the government in their areas of influence. In Basaguda in Chhattisgarh, an embankment needed to be built around a tank called Kota Chervu; some ten villages were counting on supplies from this tank. The government had ignored the villagers’ pleas for years. It was under Anuradha’s guidance that people from 30 villages undertook this work. Those who worked were given a kilogram of rice a day. The government panicked and sanctioned Rs 20 lakh; it was refused. By 1998, more than a hundred tanks had been constructed by the Naxals in Dandakaranya.
Anuradha also took on the responsibility of crafting learning models to educate women. She regularly took classes on the problems faced by women guerillas, and wrote and translated Naxal propaganda material. She would prepare charts with photos of political leaders and explain world affairs to local illiterates. Sometimes, she would conduct classes on health issues.
Between all this, Anuradha would make secret trips to Mumbai. “She would come, and I would apply oil in her hair and massage her body. I wanted to pamper her as much as I could,” says Kumud.
“The most amazing thing was she would always know much more than us about films and other popular culture,” says Sunil. During the staging of one of his plays in Mumbai, Anuradha slipped in quietly, watched the play, and left quietly. “I came to know later that she was there,” says Sunil.
anuradha3At the ninth congress of the CPI(Maoist) in 2007, Anuradha was made a member of the central committee. By this time, Kobad had become one of the key Naxal leaders, in charge of party documentation. (He was arrested in Delhi on September 20).
It was on the basis of Anuradha’s work that the Naxals prepared the first-ever caste policy paper within the Marxist movement in India. She also drafted papers on ‘Marxism and Feminism’, of which the top Naxal leadership took note.
During the time spent in Dandakaranya, Anuradha helped the guerrillas overcome the limitations of collective work by making them understand what roles cooperatives could play in increasing agricultural production.
In Bastar, Anuradha raised questions on the patriarchal ideas prevalent in the party. At the time of her death, she had been working with the woman cadre, to devise plans that would help them take greater leadership responsibilities. It was in Jharkhand while taking classes with the tribals on the question of women’s oppression that she contracted cerebral malaria, which led to her death.
In her memoirs of Anuradha, her friend Jyoti Punwani wrote: “The ‘Naxalite menace’, says Manmohan Singh, is the biggest threat to the country. But I remember a girl who was always laughing and who gave up a life rich in every way to change the lives of others.”
In Nagpur, I requested Chinchikhede to open the rooms once occupied by Anuradha. All that remained of the old days was a sticker of Bhagat Singh on the door. It was sunset and the sky had turned crimson. A comrade who accompanied me lay on the floor, a floor he was too familiar with. And he recited a poem by Gorakh Pandey:
It’s thousands of years old/their anger/thousands of years old/is their bitterness/I am only returning their scattered words/with rhyme and rhythm/ and you fear that/ I am spreading fire.
***
(It was first published on 26 September 2009 for openthemagazine.com)
Rahul Pandita is an author and a Journalist. He is an author of Hello, Bastar: The Untold Story of India's Maoist Movement.

BLANGLADESH: CPMLM-BD DOCUMENT: CHILD ABUSE IN A CRIMINAL SOCIETY (24 JULY 2015)

The Killer tied child Rajan and beaten to death and spread the video in Facebook

The Killer tied child Rajan and beaten to death and spread the video in Facebook 


SOME RECENT INCIDENTS

As result of reactionary social system, in Bangladesh, innumerable children have been being victim of abuse, oppression and exploitation. Hundreds of children are dying and being crippled by torture.
Recently in Sylhet, a 13 year old handicapped day laborer boy Rajan, by being tied with a pool, has been beaten to death in excuse of theft. The killers captured the torture in video and spread in social media,

Recently the Indian BSF-Court again released the killer of Felani from charge, a poor handicapped child. When crossing the border, Felani was shot dead by the BSF in 2011. The poor child’s father is going to
which eventually became curse for them. After it spread in social media, serious mass hatred was created which forced the regime to arrest the killers. Before that, Police tried to save the criminals by taking Sixty million Taka bribe.
Felani was shot dead by Indian BSF on border and her body was hanging on the wire
Felani was shot dead by Indian BSF on border and her body was hanging on the wire
appeal in Indian civil court via a Human Right Organization. The Felani killing is an example of killing of Bangladeshi children by the Indian Expansionism. Naturally the reactionary court does not give verdict in favor of common people generally.
Seven months ago, a poor three years old child Jihad died by falling in a 14 feet diameter 600 feet deep well of Dhaka WASA. The Bureaucratic bourgeoisie, by keeping open such thousands of well, are killing children every day. The Police administration and
3 year old Jihad who was killed by falling into a 14 inch diameter 600 feet deep well of WASA
3 year old Jihad who was killed by falling into a 14 inch diameter 600 feet deep well of WASA
government obstructed people’s initiative of recovering the child. As a result the child could not be recovered alive. When government recovery campaign was declared failed, people with own initiative built technology and recovered the child but already he died.
Two years before, in Narayanganj, Toki named a middle class meritorious youth was abducted and ruthlessly killed. The news came

These are a few turmoil making among hundreds of incidents.
that government party fascist politicians committed the killing via their mercenary killers to keep area under their control. It is also known that government is obstructing the judgment of the killing.
The meritorious boy Toki was brutally killed by the Mercenaries of the Fascist politicians


The meritorious boy Toki was brutally killed by the Mercenaries of the Fascist politicians

BORN AND BROUGHT UP AS SLAVE

TRANSFORMATION INTO COMMODITY

Bangladesh is a semi colonial semi feudal social system. In this system, a handful of exploiter bourgeoisie and feudal exploit and suppress most of the people. People are slave, serf and wage slave. Children are born and brought up as slave, serf and wage slave.

THE PROLETARIAN AND POOR PEASANT CHILDREN

 Many children die before they are born. In absolute poverty’s adverse situation, there is lack of safe maternity. At the time of birth, child’s mother becomes target of feudal superstition or Medical business. Since when the baby came inside the womb and since after they are born, they start developing with absolute malnutrition. Many become handicapped while many become orphan. Children continue to mature by being kicked, beaten and called names by parents and relatives in family and by ruling class socially. After several years, compulsory religious education is imposed over them. Those who deny or can’t unite with that – most of the children cannot – inexplicable physical torture comes over them. Majority of the children become victim of sexual abuse. Many become victim of drug. They are terrorized by ghosts and after death life and are tortured accordingly.
Many poor children cannot get admission into primary educational institutes. Many of them are thrown to barbarianism of Madrasha education [Madrasha is religious school – Sarbaharapath]. Many cannot get out of that. In government education system, after suffering from the calling names, physical torture by the teachers, the constant hungry huge number of children become street boy; become hawker, many go to work with parents. After several years, they become workers of Garment factories, Rickshaw pullers, Vegetable sellers, day laborers, agricultural day laborers, daily-monthly-yearly laborer of the rich peasants. They have to suffer from ruthless atrocities of the police in city street. These children are rebel and revolutionary naturally. If they get a hints, they can easily understand how the bourgeoisie and feudal have piled up possessions by exploiting labor power of the working people. If we can educate them by communist ideology, proper future revolutionary force will develop who will lead in ending exploitative social system.

THE MIDDLE CLASS CHILDREN

Most of the middle class children along with many poor ones are now deprived of natural birth right. They are born by scissor operation as result of medical deceit. Most of them get deprived of breast milk. Baby food business of the imperialist companies rise while these children get deprive of many necessary nutrition. They are ruthlessly tortured to assimilate feudal superstition and religion-ist barbarianism on the one hand, and are thrown to the unequal competition of the so called education system. The lower and average middle class families get defeated to those who can buy education business with lots of money. They are taught to run for corruption other than human quality. The middle class children are brought up for being clerk of the rich. They are made separated from physical labor and rural areas. They face feudal family and social abuse. Effort is made to develop them as capitalist commodity. Basically they develop as slave. Naturally the child mind want to rebel against that. All-out efforts are made to suppress that. They are made terrorized by physical torture and religionist horror like ghost-after death life etc with obvious torture. As they have opportunity to study and are abused, it is easy for them to learn Marxist knowledge. Those who will be able to gain that knowledge, in future, by merging with the proletarian class, they can get into the leading rank of the communist movement.

THE RICH CLASS CHILDREN

The rich class children are born and brought up in comparatively comfortable environment. But they are taught dangerous greed, running behind more and more profit and to look down upon common people and physical labor etc. They are trained with the aim of making them imperialists’ clerk or lackey. They are taught of going foreign other than staying in own country. Naturally when child mind rebel against this bad and filthy education, they face physical and mental torture and are religion-ist terror and torture. They are also become victim of sexual abuse and drug in mass scale. Many of them will rebel in future and merge with the proletarian class.

CHILD ABDUCTION AND TRAFFICKING

Children are abducted and huge money is forcefully collected from their parents. If they do not get money, they kill the children. Their bodies are cut to sell their organs to foreign. Children are smuggled to foreign to sell. These are the features of the reactionary child killer society. The Sheikhs of Middle East used innumerable children as jockey for their camel race and thus killed them.

ART, CULTURE AND SCIENCE VERSUS SUPERSTITION

 Children are natural scientific minded and artist. They are very much inquisitive. To resist their thirst for knowledge, they are forced to learn superstition. They are forced to practice evil culture against their practice of developing creativity via art and culture. Thus, it is tried to spoil their mind.

LACK OF ENTERTAINMENT

There is no playground for children in cities now. Nor there is any swimming learning system. There is no entertaining system in cities or countryside. There is no library.

FASCISM VERSUS COMMUNISM

Through Textbook, children are taught nationalist and religion-ist fascism. As soon as they get in touch with communist thought anyway, they become big supporter of that. Therefore, we have to spread communist teaching among the children, so, they themselves will learn how to confront various types of fascism. They will know how nationalism and religion-ism keep people under domestic and foreign exploitation in interest of handful of exploiting class elements. Those are doctrines of exploitation. Those are hoax and trading with people’s life. Hundreds and thousands of children are dying and being crippled by them each and every day. As children are the most tortured by them, they easily understand that.

FEMALE CHILDREN ARE THE VICTIM OF MORE OPPRESSION

Because of the male chauvinist outlook of the society, female child is more oppressed than male. Sometimes, they are killed in the womb. Since they are born, they continue to be the victim of severe male chauvinist oppression. They get fewer food, nutrition and medical treatment. They get fewer education facilities. Naturally, revolutionary potential is more inside them.

HANDICAPPED CHILDREN ARE ALSO VICTIM OF MORE OPPRESSION

Physically and mentally handicapped children are the victim of absolute negligence and rude behavior. Who will show sympathy to them in this inhuman society? Communists must save them and build a new society for their human development.

CHILDREN ARE FOND OF LIVING BIOSPHERE

Children love the living biosphere. They want to save the animals and trees. But huge animal killing, tree cutting and destruction of environment happens in front of them.

CHILDREN HAVE HUGE POTENTIAL

THEY ARE THE FUTURE FIGHTER

After all those too much repression, yet the children cannot be obstructed. They are getting in touch of knowledge and science via internet. Children are living and youthful. They are like rising morning sun. The human inborn qualities are more in children. They have more soft mind and human love and affection. They have more quality of doing well to others and serving the people. They know much better how this criminal social system is oppressing them since birth to adulthood. So, naturally, if we can show a correct guide to them, they will be revolutionary in future. They are the vanguard of the future Communist Society.

COMMUNIST PARTY MARXIST-LENINIST-MAOIST BANGLADESH

jueves, 30 de julio de 2015

TURQUIA: Novas respostas do PKK aos ataques do exercito fascista turco.

BRASIL: Ato pela liberdade de manifestaçâo e contra a perseguiçâo política en Belo Horizonte.

CHILE: La lucha de los obreros del cobre continúa... (El Pueblo)

El asesinato de Nelson Quichillao, trabajador subcontratista de CODELCO, a manos de FF.EE. de carabineros, fue un hecho que hasta el día de hoy lamenta el pueblo de Chile, pero no es solo tristeza, sino rabia e impotencia con las injusticias en este país. Un obrero que solo luchaba por mejores condiciones, por un poco de dignidad, y que no representaba ningún peligro para los policías, fue asesinado a sangre fría y en completa desventaja (sin armas) por las fuerzas de represión del viejo Estado.

El tema que uno se pregunta ahora es ¿Fue otro caso aislado más? O es una política de Estado comandada por Burgos, uno de los fundadores de la ANI, y con la venia de Bachelet. Nos quedamos con le segunda opción. Y dejamos claro que el revisionismo (partido que se dice comunista y no lo es) como parte de la Nueva Mayoría, son responsables de este asesinato a un obrero; Tellier, Vallejos, Carmona, Cariola, Gutierrez, y Figueroa tienen las manos con sangre del pueblo de Chile, además esta última no ha hecho nada y dice representar a los obreros, pero todos sabemos que lo único que hace es vender movilizaciones.

Como decía el presidente Mao; la sangre no ahoga la revolución, sino que la riega y la hace más fuerte. Sabemos que la justicia burguesa no va a hacer nada en contra del policía que asesinó a Nelson y menos contra los altos mandos, es por es que lo único que queda es seguir luchando, con más fuerza, con más rabia, convertir esa impotencia en organización y lucha revolucionaria, utilizar violencia revolucionaria organizada contra el viejo Estado, ya que, no les sirve a los obreros este viejo Estado que solo defiende a los ricos y poderosos.

Sin ir más lejos esto se ha plasmado a lo largo de todo Chile, en velatones, marchas, barricadas, cortes de ruta, y protestas en general, esa es la mejor forma de ajusticiar al compañero asesinado, seguir luchando, seguir su lucha por los obreros del cobre y contra el viejo Estado. Los obreros forestales en el sur bloquearon la ruta 160 frente a la planta Horcones en Arauco (región del Bío-bío). En Rancagua se vieron barricadas en distintos puntos por parte de los obreros del cobre, además se desbordó la legalidad utilizando violencia Revolucionaria, quemando dos camiones de la empresa, todo esto en protesta por la muerte de su colega en el norte. Estos son ejemplos de cómo en todo Chile se solidariza con la clase obrera, despreciando las leyes burguesas y su policía.

Sabemos que este puede ser el inicio de un levantamiento obrero en Chile, y esperamos que así sea, la muerte de Nelsón Quichillao, nos muestra que el camino es continuar la lucha, fomentar la organización clasista, obreros y campesino juntos contra el viejo Estado opresor, la justicia popular está en nuestras manos, y es seguir luchando cada vez con más fuerza y decisión.

INDIA: Murderer Indian State !

miércoles, 29 de julio de 2015

Josef Stalin, em "Fundamentos do Leninismo". (Servir ao povo de todo coração)



"A questão dos direitos das nações não é uma questão isolada, independente, mas uma parte da questão geral da revolução proletária, uma parte sujeita à totalidade e que deve ser abordada desde o ponto de visto da totalidade."

- Josef Stalin, em "Fundamentos do Leninismo".