domingo, 14 de julio de 2019

TURQUIA: Importante documento del TKP/ML celebra el 1º Congreso (1ª parte) (Inglés)

Resultado de imagen de TKP/ML
Our Party is at an historical juncture. We held the first anticipated congress of our Party that we awaited with hope, excitement and yearning, on the 47th year of its foundation. We greet all our cadres, members, militants and fighters who made it happen, who witnessed this historic moment, who took a role in its organization, and contributed to it.
Our Congress is the culmination of a process, the claim and the hope that hundreds of martyrs have created for the future of our Party, for the enhancement of the cause of communism, for the end to the suffering of our toiling people coming from Turkish, Kurdish and various other nationalities, and for the freedom of all oppressed social strata.
Our Congress symbolises the continuity that allowed hundreds of thousands of people to turn towards it in hope for a better future, with thousands of cadres and militants standing by over 47 years. The founding philosophy, the method, the period of its foundation and the historical conditions have determined the essence of our Party. Our leader Ibrahim Kaypakkaya had founded our Party in a period when class struggle was promoted on an international level, when the revolutionary movement was dynamic at a time when rich theoretical debates were being held. He has laid the foundational bases of our party building on “the courage and positioning” created by the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, “the destructiveness” of social ideas and attitudes in the international level and national level, “the ideological sharpness” in the polarization and the struggle between the communist camp and the modern revisionist camp in the world scale, “the shakeout” of the ’68 revolutionary movement from the 50 year long pacifism, “the rupturism” of the 15-16th of June Great Workers’ Resistance and the land squatting of the peasantry, “the directiveness” of the dialectical and historical materialism. Based on this foundation, our Party has managed to follow a tenacious and challenging line against the organizational liquidation attempts of imperialism and fascism and against the ground that they have created for ideological liquidation over 47 years.
The communist line of our Party has been attacked due to the inevitable result of the two line struggle inside the party by the bourgeois liners for 47 years. There has been no period in which the opportunist-reformist-revisionist attacks against the line of our Party has not existed. Our Party has always managed to avert these attacks with its cadres, militants and sympathizers who are nourished by the proletarian revolutionary essence of our Party.


To the Proletariat of Turkey of Turkish, Kurdish and various other nations, and to our Toiling People;
Our Party held its 1st Congress at a very a critical period and juncture. This critical period both applies to our party and to the forces of the people, as well as to the imperialist-capitalist system and to the fascist dictatorship.
The recklessness of the imperialist-capitalist system in it continues to expand its economic-military attacks against the oppressed peoples and the nations of the world, and in which it imposes the choice of either enslavement or liquidation continues to deepen. The declining influence of the capital that engulfs the whole world exposes itself clearly with all its ugliness. The parasitic imperialist capital is concerned with re-producing itself by sucking the blood of the toilers and by draining the power of the all oppressed strata. However, this also symbols its crisis-based structure. The imperialist-capitalist system means crisis, war, annexation, high profit and a machinery of blood and tears. Today, the central groups of the imperialist system realize their market wars more bloodily, more sharply and more ambitiously. The young and dynamic Chinese social imperialism is increasing the competition by creating influence at a serious level with its development velocity in its evolution from exporting commodities to exporting capital in the markets of the regressing USA imperialism. The Russian imperialism and the Chinese social-imperialism have created a serious influence in the military-political scene through the alliance that they have established. As the contradictions deepen and the competition embraces a serious character in the “Western imperialist” bloc led by the USA imperialism, the relations between the Chinese social-imperialism and the Russian imperialism becomes stronger. Together with the existing economic-political crisis this situation intensifies the market wars and bring about a reality of a serious wars of conflict in all the controversial fields. The Middle East and Africa are the most prominent ones in this conflict zones. Also, in Latin America, that is considered to be the backyard of the USA, the US sovereignty is being shaken, and cracks are being shaped that might lay the ground for social unrests and struggles for new balances.
This picture of the world is not independent of our country, of the course. The reality of semi-colonial, semi-feudal economic-social-political structure leads to immediate effects of the international circumstances and developments. Together with the general political crisis the fascist dictatorship continuously increases the level of its attacks and seeks to find a suitable political form in order to make its attacks possible. This search for a form, as it serves the sovereign faction leading the system to consolidate its power, at the same time instigates a conflict between the sovereign classes. Another phenomenon that contributes to instigate the conflict between the sovereign classes is the intensification of the conflict between the imperialist powers.
But finally, the fascist dictatorship that is shaped around the AKP-MHP alliance and led by Tayyip Erdogan has been maintaining its campaign of complete aggression for the last 4 years. The masses of people are under a very intense political assault. It is as if all their basic economic, social and political rights are being usurped and their right to organization is being held down through the laws of fascism, decree-laws, jurisdiction, military, police and the civilian fascist organizations.
There has never been a stronger and a more intense attack towards oppressing the revolutionary, progressive and democratic forces. Particularly the movements that are waging armed struggle, the revolutionary forces have come under the attack the most. Our Party too, is a definitive target of this assault. 25 of our comrades were immortalized in this war of destruction and tens of our militants and sympathizers have been arrested.
The Kurdish National Movement and its struggle are among the basic and primary targets of fascism during this period. Particularly the Kurdish guerrilla forces, all the forces of national struggle in the legal and the democratic field are being forced to subdue and are being tried to be made isolated from the other social forces. The Kurdish policy of the fascist dictatorship is in the form of intense political-military assault both inside and outside the country. Together with this orientation, fascism initiated the occupation of Rojava. Afrin has been occupied and other cantons were being tried to be surrounded. However, this picture has not become a relief for the political crisis of the sovereign classes but has become the reason for the re-production of the crisis. The continuing structural crisis in the economic field has created a scenery where contradictions of the masses of people with the system has gained new dimensions through the periodic crisis that deepens the political crisis. Within the context of the Kurdish issue and regional developments the fascist dictatorship acts, shapes itself and embraces a specific orientation while being aware of its existential crisis and juncture. In this sense, the future phases of this period are creating the fertile ground for political and social crises and their eventual all out explosion.
Essentially our Party and other parts of the popular forces have dominance over the characteristics of these critical processes. However, the approaches of the sections that act with a programme of revolution in this period, where the revolutionary situation has the tendency to deepen, are being appropriately synthesized in unison with their class characters. Revolutionary movements and other popular forces are not essentially ready for this period, in which “outside the system” is being enhanced and the revolutionary struggle and will for intervention is being intensified. Particularly after a specific period, the multi-directional effects of liquidationism, “within the systemism”, consociationalism and reformism have engulfed these movements. The situation has worn away the approaches that takes the world into consideration, interprets it and shapes itself in accordance from a class perspective and created a degeneration in the manners that embrace the perspective of revolution. This is a crucial aspect for the popular forces as an ideological problem that has be overcome.
Our Party as well, has been experiencing all the effects of this period. It has embraced a line of a sharp and a continuous struggle against this process. In this current period, our Party has not only gathered its highest party organ that will again sustain the unity of will and action, but at the same time has taken a strong step by holding its Congress. This is a unique achievement in the history of our Party.
Our Congress has taken place in January as planned. It has been organized with top level security and systematicity. The platform for the participation of all the fields of our Party has been achieved and has been shaped in accordance with the measures that the regulations of our Party mandates. All security measures had been taken and our Congress was brought to completion safely and securely and all the participants have returned to their new fields of activities without any problems.
Our Congress has held its discussions over three basic topics. Firstly, “The handling of programmatic opinions and issues”; secondly, “Organizational problems and consideration of the current situation”; and thirdly, “Our orientation towards the future period”.
The preparations for the Congress were finalized with the discussions that stretched over a long period of time. In the preparation stage, together with the blows received by the enemy, “putschist and factionist” approaches have surfaced and finally this process has ended by the self-dismissal of “a band of party and war deserters” from the Party. Besides these, our Party has confronted the organizational strikes of the enemy during all this period and had to deal with the mordacity of war and the losses and problems created by it. In this sense, there has been a loss of concentration especially in the preparation process of our Party’s Congress. Organizational problems and developments have naturally contributed to this process. These conditions had an impact on all activities and preparations. Ultimately, despite this general scenery and intensified attacks of the enemy, our Party has brought its Congress to completion by being able to hold the planned discussions in security.
On programmatic discussions:
  • Considerations were made on the social and economic structure of the country, discussed by the already existing works and new works. The designation of the semi-feudal, semi-colonial socio-economic structure of the country by comrade Ibrahim Kaypakkaya was confirmed in our Congress. In respect to this issue, it was determined that our comrade’s theoretical position and method was in essence correct. Discussions were deepened by focusing on the quantitative changes that have taken place since the time of our comrade up to this day. Especially the inadequacy of our Party in regards to the characteristics of semi-feudal economic structure and its theoretical projections were emphasized. The theoretical designations on the character that this economic system has embraced in the age of imperialism and its permanent characteristics were approved. The inner laws of capitalism and feudalism, the historical quality of imperialism, the historical characteristic of capital accumulation process, relations of production and relations of property that defines them, the relation in between the rural and the urban and examinations on the changing demographic structure were evaluated. In the discussions that were held on the economic and social configurations as a whole, it was determined that semi-feudal structure was sustained and continues its existence as the dominant production relation by re-producing itself. Our Party has shaped its position after a period of 6 month long investigation, research and discussion.
  • The Road to Revolution: (The Protracted People’s War): The 47 year long struggle of our Party is shaped with a line focused on the goal of New Democratic Revolution and in the path of the Strategy of Protracted People’s War. This is our basic strategy of revolution in our programmatic views. Our line of organizing and expanding the three weapons of revolutions, the Party, the Army and the United Front has been uncompromisingly maintained. In the strategy of revolution the working class has been designated as the vanguard and the peasantry has been designated as the essential force. Our strategy of Democratic People’s Revolution based on the worker-peasant alliance continues to be valid despite all the social, economic, political developments and quantitative changes. The decrease in the population in rural areas has not brought about the change in the goal of seizing the power piece by piece through Red Powers which finds its essence in the Peasant Guerrilla War. The New Democratic Revolution (Democratic People’s Revolution) and the Strategy of Protracted People’s War which KAYPAKKAYA has covered and drawn the general lines from in his Five Basic Documents continues to be valid. Our Congress has approved this. Within this context, our Party has discussed the situation of our revolution in the strategic defence stage and has embraced the approach of designating, concretizing and staging our war policy and tactical orientations. The 47 year long accumulation and experience has determined the obligation to embrace Guerrilla Warfare in the direction of the Strategy of Protracted People’s War more strongly by concretizing the necessity of being a fighting party, the stages of evolution and regression, and the situation that we are currently in.
  • In the discussions held on Revolution, New Democratic Revolution (Democratic People’s Revolution) and Socialism, basic Marxist-Leninist-Maoist principles were emphasized. It has been decided that the matter of revolution cannot exist without a leader and a vanguard, and a party, and that all approaches towards “revolution” and uses of the word of revolution obscure the fact that revolution is a matter of turning things upside-down. It has been observed that particularly in the international scale, some consequences brought about by spontaneous movements being defined as a revolution does not fit the reality and that these approaches and concepts disregard the real and the class essence of revolution. It is clear that the presentation of requisite forms that the system takes through popular movements without being destroyed creates false consciousness among the people and alienates them from an idea of revolution that will take place by destroying the system as a whole and breaking it into pieces through organized and armed struggle thus creating an illusion. Against these, our Party still holds its attitude and approach that it has embraced all along. Within this context a decision has been made in the issue of the essence and quality of the revolution of our country and that this problem cannot be imprisoned by the “democratic content” that includes the limitations on political and social freedoms created by fascism. Including all these, our revolution has the character of a New Democratic Revolution that takes land revolution as the essence and wipes away all feudal, semi-feudal forms of relations. Particularly the existing ambiguity regarding this issue is considered as a deviation. It has been emphasized that it is essentially an ideological attitude and an approach that the solution to the problem of democracy in the country is the duty of the New Democratic Revolution which is a part of the proletarian revolution and that the Socialist Revolution will be constructed with the leadership of proletariat and that it is an obligation to continue until Communism with the Proletarian Cultural Revolutions. Our Party has established that one of the most critical problems in this period is to undo the lack of confidence concerning most importantly socialism, to handle the ideological problems in the popular movements and the ambiguity among the masses of people over the regressions from socialism and their reasons. Within this context the ideological fractures led to reflections on the communist and revolutionary movement together with regressions from socialism. In this regard, our Party based on the approaches of comrade Mao Zedong and the experiences of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution has established a will to deepen the ideological struggle, to undo the lack of confidence and to enhance the class struggle. Another issue is the discussion about the state, and fascism as a form of state. It has been emphasized that fascism is a necessity that is imposed by the continuous political-economic crisis and the dependency of comprador bourgeoisie and big landlords to the imperialist-capitalist system. Besides this, the approaches upholding fascism is the form of a sovereignty of a clique of a sovereign class or a party dictatorship is refused. It is emphasized that the term Fascist Kemalist Dictatorship is sound and correct and that is the unique ideological-political definition in our country. It has been decided that all definitions and approaches besides this one are caused by the confusion in understanding the quality of the Turkish sovereign classes and through these approaches the essence of the problem is being obscured.
  • The National Issue and the Issue of Nations: The Congress of our Party adopts the approach of comrade KAYPAKKAYA over the multi-national social structure. Our Congress declared that it will follow the scientific approaches of our leader towards the National Question and particularly the Kurdish Question. It has been established that the National Question is essentially a Market Question, that Right to Self-Determination of the Kurdish Nation must be accepted unconditionally and only under these circumstances. The National Question can be settled and the matter of the liberation of the Kurdish Nation is one of the most important questions of our revolution. It is an obligation that a comprehensive solution to the National Question in the age of imperialism is part of the proletarian revolutions and that the proletariat is obliged to lead in this matter. The approach that the Kurdish National Question will be fully resolved through New Democratic Revolution including autonomy and guaranteeing the right to self-determination was embraced. Discussions have been held on the new situation of the Kurdish National Question since the time of comrade KAYPAKKAYA, its place in the social and political life and its place in revolution. The Kurdish nation has made progress in obtaining a national consciousness, reaching a national liberation programme compared to the stage of the National Movement 47 years ago. The Kurdish national consciousness and the struggle accompayning it have gained characteristics that affect and define the political processes. In this sense, even though it doesn’t have the character of defining the essence of our revolution, it holds the character of affecting the political and social dynamics. The Kurdish national consciousness develops every passing day and has gained a more organized and a political level within a programme. Within this context the historical tendency of national struggle to found a state has become a stronger tendency in the Kurdish nation for these reasons. These developments have created the approach to focus more onto this problem, to be more concerned about it, to take this contradiction as a more dynamic element of our social revolution in the Party. Our Party has discussed this question at every stage of its existence, and approached it based on the current point which the National Movement has reached. Our Congress has adopted the approach of leaning on the accumulation that our Party has obtained within the years. At this very point it was determined that in regards to the essence and the quality of the National Question there has not been any changes. However, it has increased its influence on the social contradiction and political processes with the increase of national consciousness and its demands, and its combative characteristics. Our Party views this question as one of the essential points of the struggle for revolution. Our Congress is determined to act by bringing forward the political contradictory character of the problem and by embracing the existing line to turn it into a political power. Our Party views the paradigms of “Democratic Autonomy” and “Democratic Confederalism” of the Kurdish National Movement to resolve the national question as a result of the changes in the international developments and balances. This paradigm is considered to not include the revolutionary resolution of the National Question, being in contradiction with the tendency to obtaining self-determination that will provide freedom to the oppressed Kurdish nation and be seen as an essential compromise given to the Turkish national sovereignty. Our critical position towards it, namely as viewing it as being within the system and class reconciliatory is maintained. Within this context the Kurdish National Movement is viewed by the Party as an Armed Reformist National Movement. However, this means the we maintain the position that as a political movement it is an ally of the revolution and among the forces of the people.
  • Besides these issues, in the matter of “imperialist-capitalist system and its general state” which includes programmatic opinions and is indeed a matter of programme, our Party has especially re-evaluated the issues of “ultra-imperialism”, “new imperialist centres and forces”, “the above the state character of monopolies”, “globalization and conformation of imperialist monopolies based on non-competitive cooperation”, “imperialist hegemony and the role that imperialism plays in semi-feudal and semi-colonial countries”. It has been emphasized that especially in the international and national scale the war, plunder and parasitic structure of imperialism has decreased its characteristics having the character of exporting capital. Within this context the bases laid out first by comrade Lenin and later by comrade Mao, concerning the essence of imperialism, its class structure and its orientation the criteria of the two great masters continues to be valid.
  • Another issue that our Congress views as an important issue of the social revolution and that was discussed on programmatic level is the issue of women as an oppressed gender. Included in the oppressed gender issue, LGBTI holds an important position in the struggle. Especially in the 8th Conference and the period thereafter, our Party has been timid about this issue. Since its past it has experienced positive developments in focusing and considering this issue. However, deviations within the Party have surfaced. It has been decided that our Party will continue to maintain its existing focus on the social character of the issue, to relate it to the process of revolution, to take it into consideration with its unique contradictions and characteristics. Our Party has adopted the decision to never miss out on the unique character of this social problem and never disregard its inner-relations, but at the same time keeping in mind the approach to view it with a class perspective. The struggle with the oppressive gender has a dynamic route in the class and social struggle. There are various women movements that are subject to this struggle. This struggle continues to develop and move forward together with the already existing problems. It has been decided to keep the current approach and develop a relation of alliance on the basis of creating unity of action with the organizations and forces that wage a “civil rights” struggle in the face of this problem.
  • The issue of oppressed beliefs: Our society has a multi-belief structure and historically oppressed beliefs have been deprived of basic freedoms and their democratic rights. Not only this, the belief systems that fall beyond the Sunni belief system has always been subjected to intense oppression, massacre and policies of assimilation. Due to this reason, the issue of freedom for other beliefs beside the Sunni belief system is one of the issues included in the struggle for New Democratic Revolution as a democratic right. Our Party is in a process of struggle and experience regarding this issue. This contradiction has a dynamic whcih is in the favour of revolution. Instead of trying to solve this issue within the system and its limits, our Party leans on the democratic consciousness and dynamics for struggle that this contradiction creates. The perspective laid out based on these dynamics. After all, all democratic rights that are limited, disregarded and usurped are a matter of class struggle. The character of contradictions that are based on difference in belief and cover the surface of class conflicts pushing them away as agendas requires our Party to see the equality among beliefs problem as a democratic problem and as something that has to be eliminated. Our party adopts the struggle against the division of society by beliefs and fights against the seeds of enmity which are sown between the oppressed sections of the society in this regard.
  • In addition to all of these questions above, our Party has discussed programmatic approaches and has taken decisions on the political issues such as the Environment, Youth, Culture, the Back Front, Short Party Programme, Short New Democratic Revolution Programme, Publications and the International. Also, various suggestions on the regulations of the Party have been discussed and the decisions to edit and re-arrange some particular articles were taken.

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